'Imprimeur en musique du Roi': the royal printer Attaingnant, his musical repertory, and court practices in sixteenth-century France. |
By: Roger Hansford |
INTRODUCTION & OVERVIEW
With an output large enough to provide one set of partbooks for every six people in 1540s Venice, it is no wonder that the quarter-century career of Pierre Attaingnant (1494-1551/2) is said to have made him ‘one of the most influential music printers of his time’.[1] The product of innovative printing methods, his editions are renowned both for their graphic quality, and for the musical styles and genres - masses, motets, psalms and the chanson - they helped to promulgate across France and the rest of Europe.[2] In addition to serving commercial customers, Attaingnant had close links to the royal court of François I (r.1515-1547); his title as imprimeur et libraire du Roy en musique - bestowed by the King in 1537 amongst various copyright privileges [3] - was no mere label. According to Daniel Heartz, Attaingnant was ‘in every way a creature of’ the reign of François I, ‘having risen with the fortunes of the Crown, prospered under royal smiles, and declined when the King died’.[4] John Brobeck agrees, saying that ‘the more than 160 volumes of music printed between 1528 and 1560 by Pierre Attaingnant . . . provide a fair sampling of the rich musical repertory enjoyed at the court of le grand roi François’. This is because ‘Attaingnant’s output closely paralleled what was sung and played by the musicians of the crown for the delectation of the itinerant royal court’, suggesting that ‘the musical tastes of the French monarch himself were an important factor in the . . . style of composition characteristic of many works appearing in Attaingnant’s anthologies’.[5] Therefore the extensive repertory of Attaingnant constitutes a close reflection of the needs and practices of the royal court.
THE FRENCH ROYAL COURT UNDER FRANCOIS I
In order fully to appreciate the repertory of the house of Attaingnant, the nature of the royal court under François I first needs to be investigated. According to R. J. Knecht, the court was an institution increasing in size and importance during the early sixteenth century. Not only had the inventory of court officials of the maison du roi more than doubled by the eighth year of François’s reign, but the ‘amorphous mass of hangers-on’ attending court had also grown.[6] With noblemen joining for temporary periods, the court’s total size could grow to up to 10,000, a population exceeding that of all but twenty-five French towns in 1550.[7] A defining element of the court was its peripatetic nature; it was rarely seen in the same location for more than fifteen days.[8] Although Knecht suggests that such movements were related to François’s personal preferences, he also highlights political and military reasons, not least the King’s need to ‘project his ideal personality and the nature of his rule’.[9] Typically this was undertaken through the entrée joyeuse, an effective form of royal propaganda that was repeated at locations throughout the kingdom, engendering the loyalty of subjects organising the royal entry at each.[10] The increasingly militaristic ceremonial entries [11] may have involved performers belonging to the musique de l’écurie [12], not least the trompettes du roi [13]. However, it was not only the musicians of the stable who relied on the peripatetic nature of the court. Jeanice Brooks describes how the court ‘depended for its sense of existence less on the royal and aristocratic palaces that housed it as on the practices and attitudes that defined its difference from the rest of French society’, for it was ‘something its members did, rather than a geographical location’.[14] Within this context, she writes, all music and song ‘could participate in the network of images through which the court was projected’, helping to define the practices of courtliness and ‘establish the court’s location wherever it happened to be’.[15] Thus, with music ‘creating the conditions that rendered the court something to be admired and imitated even by those who might never visit it’, the principal function of the royal court under François I was ‘the projection of the symbolic centrality of the king’.[16]
THE DEVELOPMENT OF PRINTING TECHNOLOGIES
One of the ways in which Attaingnant’s repertory reflected the propagandist practices of the royal court was its wide dissemination throughout Europe, something enabled by technological innovation. Although Venice’s Ottaviano Petrucci had made music ‘generally available in greater quantity and over wider areas than ever before’, his presswork still required three impressions, printing the notes, staves, and additional text in turn.[17] While often noted for the invention of single-impression printing [18], Attaingnant actually finally established the technique of casting in which each note and corresponding stave was set on the same type body.[19] Notwithstanding its slightly inferior quality initially, the single-impression method adopted by Attaingnant greatly reduced the high cost and time-consuming nature of the Petrucci method.[20] This enabled Attaingnant to offer ceremonial music to French churches; in addition he could distribute music for domestic consumption by French bureaucrats such as Jean de Badonvillier, who is recorded as having possessed Attaingnant anthologies within his personal library.[21] Moreover, according to Richard Freedman, Attaingnant’s prints were held by collectors ‘not just in France but also in England, Portugal and the German-speaking territories to the east' [22], and Isabelle Cazeaux suggests that Attaingnant’s imitators were situated as far afield as Iceland.[23] This shows that the repertory of Attaingnant’s presses reflected the royal court’s need to project the identity of the King to France’s subjects and neighbouring powers. That Attaingnant’s competitors ‘emulated his techniques and even borrowed his repertory’ [24] suggests that Attaingnant’s output helped to establish Paris as a focal point: the geographical apogee of a reign which facilitated technological and artistic practices worthy of imitation.[25] For example, although the Royal Printer’s most significant rival, Jacques Moderne, emulated twenty percent of Attaingnant’s repertoire, composers are thought to have diverted their work from the Paris presses only when the court visited Moderne’s native Lyons.[26] Thus Attaingnant’s technical innovations created centrally mass-produced commodities which, in their wide dissemination, projected monarchical centrality.
THE GROWING IMPORTANCE OF
THE ROYAL MUSIQUE DE CHAMBRE
Attaingnant’s repertory also reflected the needs and practices of the royal court in that its increasing size mirrored the growing importance of court music under François I. The 1954 Grove’s Dictionary entry for ‘Attaingnant’ emphasises the extent of his catalogue, including: an Introduction to the lute; 18 basses-danses in lute tablature; 9 basses-danses, 2 branles, 25 pavans and 15 galliards; a seven-book Mass volume; 13 motet books; and 35 song books, comprising 927 separate songs.[27] The chronological list of Attaingnant’s publications shows that 1534, 1540 and 1545 were particularly prodigious years, with the publication of sixteen, nine, and thirteen volumes respectively.[28] This varied and extensive repertoire reflects the fact that, according to Brooks, ‘the general pattern [in documents] over the course of the century . . . tends to project an increasing value placed on music in the royal chambers . . .’. [29] Although Brooks traces the evolution of French royal court music beyond the operation of the presses of Attaingnant, her study of the royal états de maison up to c.1550 does lend credence to Knecht’s assertion that, under François I, no aspect of court life was undertaken ‘without its accompaniment of voices or instruments . . .’. [30] Brooks shows how the number of musicians in the royal household grew from sixteen in 1516, to nineteen by 1547, to more than thirty during the years following Henri II’s accession. She also notes the improving status of the musicians as represented by their increasingly specific titles in the états, from ordinary Varlets de chambre in 1516, to Chantres de la chambre and Joueurs d’instruments by 1547.[31] That specialisation denotes the importance of music at court is also suggested by Freedman’s discussion of the organisation of musicians - all of whom received ‘important privileges’ from the King - under three divisions of the maison du roi: Chapelle, Chambre, and Ecurie or stable.[32] Thus the size and breadth of the Attaingnant repertory served the needs and reflected the practices of a royal court in which the importance and usage of music, and the complexity of organisation of the musical establishment, were all increasing.
SACRED MUSIC AT COURT
Of all the King’s musicians it was those of the Chapelle who, in Freedman’s phrase, ‘had the most important duties’[33], and Attaingnant’s sacred repertory certainly reflects this aspect of court practice. Heartz has allocated catalogue number 51 to Claudin de Sermisy’s Missa Tota Pulchra es [Example 1], showing it to be part of the Missarû musicalû ad quartor . . . Liber secundus printed by Attaingnant in July 1534,[34] a date suggesting its use by musicians undertaking the daily celebration of Mass for François I [35]. Since Sermisy’s setting is based on his Tota Pulchra es amica mea [Example 2], also published by Attaingnant (Heartz catalogue 63), the Royal Printer’s publication reflects the sixteenth-century practice of parody technique,[36] in which a Mass setting adopts the characteristic motives and texture of a pre-existing composition [37]. Attaingnant’s print also reflects the contemporary notion that the Mass was not purely for the glory of God, for ‘the Chapel, in short, was as much an implement of statecraft as it was of worship’.[38] This can be seen with the Mass celebration in 1520 at the Field of Cloth of Gold which, with its disjointed division of the liturgy between the English and the French musicians, appears to have served mainly to forge diplomatic links between François I and Henry VIII.[39] The Mass celebrated when François I met with Pope Leo X in 1516 probably fulfilled a similar function [40], providing a good advertisement of the merger of the Chapelle de la reine with the Chapelle du roi [41]. These events suggest that Attaingnant’s Mass publications themselves helped reinforce the ‘statecraft’ mindset. After all, his first volume of folio masses included promotion of his 1531 royal privilege, as well as a woodcut of the court celebrating Mass.[42] Thus even Attaingnant’s sacred publications reflected the court’s need to project the centrality of the King.
As the wording of Attaingnant’s royal privilege suggested [43], Masses were not the only genre of sacred music important at court. While Attaingnant published 34 settings of the Mass, the firm’s presses are credited with over 400 ‘motets and motetlike works’, a statistic reflecting the balance of Mass and motet compositions by court employees, Sermisy, Jean Mouton and Pierre Certon.[44] This suggests that the repertory of the Royal Printer reflects Chapelle practices emphasising para-liturgical polyphony. Supporting this is the fact that Attaingnant’s Claudii de Sermisy . . . Nova & Prima mottetorum editio of 1542 (Heartz catalogue 103) contains Sermisy’s Et beata viscera which, according to Brobeck, was used as a ‘table prayer’ following royal feasts.[45] Attaingnant’s publications, though, do not restrict the motet to performance outside the chapel. Brobeck argues that Attaingnant’s inclusion of Sermisy’s Asperges me Domine, Et cum spiritu tuo and O salutaris hostia in his Missarum musicalium quatuor cum suis motetis (Heartz catalogue 93), a set of parody masses, shows that the short polyphonic pieces had a ‘quasi-liturgical’ function within High Mass, something suggested by their ‘severe’ compositional style and connection with French liturgical tradition.[46] In short, ‘virtually all of the extant liturgical polyphony for the Offices composed by the musicians in Francis’s chapel . . . may be found in a single series of thirteen motet volumes printed by Attaingnant in 1534 and 1535’.[47] As well as reflecting court practice at High Mass, such publications reveal that the most common form of celebration for the French royal court was Low Mass en musique, in which motets or even psalms such as those of Clément Marot were performed.[48] Although the informal and private nature of Low Mass celebrations restricted the Chapelle’s propaganda role, their repertoire as reflected in Attaingnant’s output may document the King’s personal taste for polyphony, something demonstrated by his greater financial provision for the Chapelle de musique than the Chapelle de plainchant.[49] Thus Attaingnant’s sacred repertory again reflects the practices of the royal court, documenting the taste-driven patronage of François I.
ATTAINGNANT'S REPERTORY:
DOCUMENTING THE KING'S PERSONAL TASTE
That the repertory of Attaingnant demonstrates the King’s personal tastes is something applicable to an investigation of the origins of the Royal Printer’s repertory. According to Atlas, Attaingnant’s prints emphasised newer rather than older compositions; the catalogues feature just 75 pieces by nine composers of the Josquin generation, but some 3,500 works by 160 composers contemporary with Attaingnant.[50] This repertory was made particularly eclectic by the fact that up to 41 of the 175 composers appearing in Attaingnant’s publications do so for one piece only.[51] Heartz’s scholarship shows that the wide range of works sent through the presses of Attaingnant emanated not only from French provincial composers, but also from Franco-Flemish and Italian artists.[52] If Attaingnant’s repertory reflects that of the royal court as closely as Brobeck suggests [53], then it would appear the King had a varied taste in music, publication of which helped project to outsiders the artistic diversity commanded by his patronage [54]. However, Brobeck’s insistence that it was the homogeneity of Sermisy’s aesthetic - ‘conciseness, tunefulness, rhythmic energy, limpid harmony, and unambiguous form’ - which attracted royal favour [55] suggests that the diversity within Attaingnant’s repertoire was more an attempt to engage public taste [56], than to reflect the taste of the King. Thus ‘it was to Valois France . . . to the royal territories, that Attaingnant owed the vast majority of his pieces’, and ‘Paris formed the centre of his musical universe’.[57] Therefore, the repertory of Attaingnant best reflects the King’s taste where it emphasises the work of the three principal composers employed at the royal court: Sermisy, Clément Janequin and Certon.[58] Heartz describes how Sermisy was ‘influential in Attaingnant’s success’, for it was with his music that the publisher was inaugurated in 1528, and he continued to provide for the firm’s production of lute and keyboard arrangements, chansons, masses and motets; it was also through Sermisy that Certon became personally associated with Attaingnant.[59] Janequin’s suggested links to Attaingnant can also be substantiated; the printer is cited as having published many of Janequin’s works, including four volumes of chansons during the 1530s.[60] Thus the repertory of the Royal Printer served the needs and reflected the practices of the royal court by emphasising the works of those composers employed therewith. Although reflecting everyday practical music-making, the glut of music by contemporary French composers also projected the home-grown artistic calibre of François’s reign.
THE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY CHANSON:
PROVENANCE & STYLE
Given that ‘the reign of Francis I corresponds closely with the first period of the sixteenth century [sic.] chanson’ [61], it is not unreasonable to suggest that the large number of Parisian chansons in Attaingnant’s repertory reflects a predilection for the genre in the royal Chambre. In fact, the genre is so named because ‘in the late 1520s the Parisian music publisher Pierre Attaingnant began to issue vast quantities of music written mostly by composers living and working in and around Paris’ [62]. Janequin is said to have written over 250 chansons [63], and examples of his works are certainly to be found in Attaingnant’s catalogue. Au joly jeu du posse avant is item 23 in Trente et une chansons musicales (Heartz catalogue 14) of November 1529, while Martin menoit son pourceau appears both in Vingt a six châsons musicales a quatre (Heartz catalogue 62) of 1535 and in Tiers livre côtenât xxi châsons musicales a quatre parties composez par Jennequin (Heartz catalogue 73) of 1536. Janequin’s famous Le chant des oyseaulx, featuring the onomatopoeic effects which also occur in Les cris de Paris and La bataille, was printed by Attaingnant in 1528 as the first item of Châsons de maistre Clement Janequin (Heartz catalogue 4). Sermisy’s chansons also feature prominently, and the popularity of his Languir me fais is suggested by its frequent appearance in the Royal Printer’s catalogue. Initially published as item 21 in Chansons nouvelles en musique (Heartz catalogue 2) of 1528, it appeared the following year as item 29 in Tréte et Sept châsons musicales (Heartz catalogue 9). Featuring again in Trente et Sept Châsons musicales (Heartz catalogue 32) of 1532, which repeated the content of the 1529 edition, Languir me fais made its final appearance - apart from instrumental arrangements - in 1537 in Chansons musicales réimprimés (Heartz catalogue 74). Sermisy’s Jouyssance vous donneray also made four appearances, three of which - providing a good example of Attaingnant’s recycling techniques - were alongside Languir me fais in catalogue editions 2, 9, and 32, with the fourth as item 7 in Premier livre contenant xxxi chansons (Heartz catalogue 70) of February 1536. These pieces are not isolated examples: as Howard Mayer Brown and Louise Stein remind us, ‘between 1528 and 1549 Attaingnant’s presses issued almost two thousand chansons, most of them designed for the tastes prevalent at the court of Francis I’.[64]
That the repertory of Attaingnant reflects the needs and practices of the royal court by documenting its tastes can be further supported by investigation of the style of the Parisian chanson. Although Janequin was a prolific writer of the chanson, his style actually ‘departs quite considerably from the practice of Sermisy, Certon, and other composers’ at the royal court, because of his separation of the melodic line into short repetitive motives.[65] Thus, although program chansons like La Bataille evoke actual events associated with the court, [66] not all of them make Attaingnant’s publications a typical demonstration of court musical taste. More useful for this purpose are Sermisy’s lyric chansons. Atlas’s analysis of Sermisy’s Je n’ay point plus d’affection [Example 3] shows the work to be homophonic-homorhythmic in texture and concise in form, with a lyrical melody in the superius, all voices fully texted, syllabic declamation, clear-cut and balanced phrases, a tight tonal scheme, clearly defined sections using repetition, a dactyllic opening motive and a triadic final cadence.[67] Said to have ‘embodied the spirit of the court of Francis I’ [68], this chanson certainly justifies Knecht’s description of Claudin’s secular work:
. . . predominantly chordal in style, song-like, with syllabic treatment of the text. Without sacrificing melodic grace, there is a tendency to use rapidly repeated notes, producing a light declamatory effect. The whole is characterised by terseness, precision, simplicity, airiness and a generally dance-like quality. . . . Although it reaches no great expressive heights, its charm and ability to delight listeners are immediately evident. [69]
Thus, by featuring so prominently the Parisian chanson - a genre epitomising the taste of the court under François I - Attaingnant’s repertory served the contemporary needs of the royal court and still reflects its practices for the musicologist today.
HUMANISM AT COURT
Attaingnant’s role as arbiter of musical taste [70] at the royal court has implications involving his repertory in a reflection of the wider courtly cultural context. Knecht’s description of Sermisy’s chanson style is reminiscent of the practice of humanism which, as Knecht notes elsewhere, was well established in Paris long before the presses of Attaingnant had entered royal service [71]. Although a ‘programme’ of historical studies which ‘stressed earthly fulfilment rather than preparation for paradise’, this humanism was also ‘convinced that man’s chief duty was to enjoy his life soberly and serve his community actively’.[72] Brooks presents Il Courtegiano, by Baldassare Castiglione of Italy, as the chief representative of contemporary behavioural ideals to the French court. With reference to social interaction in a musical context, Castiglione’s manual includes ‘the advice that ornamentation should not be too profuse or difficult-sounding, and the warning not to be seen to be too eager to perform’.[73] In this way the simple grace and charm of works such as Sermisy’s Tant que vivray [Example 4] - ‘suitable for performance by amateurs’ [74] - shows that Attaingnant’s repertory itself embodies the sprezzatura reflective of humanist practices within the royal court. Brooks’ reminder that Castiglione eschews the playing of wind instruments and praises the use of solo voice with string accompaniment [75] takes this to a deeper analytical level. Thus it is easy to view Attaingnant’s promotion of the chanson, increasingly performed with top voice melody and chordal accompaniment [76], as a direct response to the growth in numbers of royal Chambre singers, and the decline of the Ecurie trumpeters and shawm players [77]. Moreover, the social intimacy of the chanson’s private performance venues [78] did not necessarily negate any propaganda role; as Nancy Vickers reminds us, graceful ornamentation in such artistic contexts had political as well as aesthetic value, because ‘style for style’s sake . . . was read, and resisted, as abundant control’ [79]. Presenting François I as the perfect courtier, Attaingnant’s chanson-dominated repertory therefore served the humanistic practices of the royal courtiers and projected the political standing of the King.
ATTAINGNANT'S INSTRUMENTAL REPERTORY
A reflection of the needs and practices of the royal court can also be seen in Attaingnant’s instrumental repertory, which includes over 100 pieces for solo lute.[80] This not only demonstrates the general fashion for lute music at the time [81], but also reflects the presence in the Royal Chambre of Mantua’s Alberto da Ripa, whose lute playing made him ‘the most popular of the king’s chamber players’, commanding a salary double that of previous court musicians.[82] In addition to serving the needs of musicians at court, Attaingnant’s lute publications reflected wider cultural practices. This can be seen from Heartz’s edition of Preludes, Chansons and Dances for the Lute, containing the three main genres of lute music enjoyed at the royal court and published by Attaingnant [83]. In making the ‘absolute music’ of the chanson available to amateur string players through didactic publications like the Trés Bréve et familiere introduction . . . a jouer toutes chansons reduictes en la tablature de Lutz (Heartz catalogue 13), Attaingnant reflected the humanistic performance practices of the Chambre courtiers.[84] Also, the publisher’s inclusion of dances with Italian features - including the basse dances and pavanes-gaillardes [Example 5] - acknowledge the contemporary political situation which had resulted in ‘an occupation of France by the ideas and attitudes of Italy’.[85] Far from detracting from the projection of French artistic calibre, Attaingnant’s publication of an Italianate repertory actually helped present the court of François I as, in Seward’s words, ‘“the most radiant, the most creative in French history, a reign in which two brilliant cultures came together, those of Gothic France and Renaissance Italy”’.[86] Thus Attaingnant’s lute repertory served the needs of instrumentalists at court and, in reflecting the cultural phenomena of humanism and Italian influence, projected the artistic achievements of the King’s reign.
SUMMARY & CONCLUSION
Attaingnant’s repertory of masses and motets, chansons and lute pieces therefore reflected the needs and practices of the royal court in several ways. The Royal Printer’s emphasis on motets rather than Mass settings reflected the royal court’s use of sacred polyphony for political propaganda in public worship, and for the King’s personal delectation in private worship. The Printer’s emphasis on chanson publication reflected the output of the principal composers of the royal court - Claudin, Janequin and Certon - which in turn fuelled, and catered for, the courtly practices of humanism. The Printer’s lute repertory showed that cultural influences from Italy extended beyond humanism to include dance-like nuances within the music itself. Enabled by his technological innovations, Attaingnant’s mass-production of this repertory supplied the musicians paid by François I, and projected the King’s courtly practices for emulation throughout Europe. Given the close reflection of the tastes of François I in the repertory sent through Pierre Attaingnant’s presses, Thurston Dart’s comment that the music printer ‘“exercised a dominating influence on musical taste. He did not follow it. He created it.”’[87] has a certain validity when describing the situation for François I’s subjects. Such was the symbiotic relationship between King and Royal Printer that the death of le grand roi François also meant the fall of the house of Attaingnant; by 1553 the position of Imprimeur du Roi had been awarded to Le Roy & Ballard [88].
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Atlas, Allan W. Renaissance Music: Music in Western Europe, 1400-1600. New York: Norton, 1998.
____________. Anthology of Renaissance Music: Music in Western Europe, 1400-1600. New York: Norton, 1998.
Blom, Eric, ed. ‘Attaingnant, Pierre’, Grove’s Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 5th Edition. London: Macmillan & Co. Ltd., 1954. 249.
Boorman, Stanley. ‘Printing and Publishing of Music I, 3: Printing from Type; (ii) Early History’, The New Grove Dictionary of Music Online, ed. Laura Macy (Accessed [22/05/03] <http://www.grovemusic.com>).
Brobeck, John T. ‘Musical Patronage in the Royal Chapel of France under Francis I (r.1515-1547)’, Journal of the American Musicological Society 48 (1995). 187-239.
Brooks, Jeanice. Courtly Song in Late Sixteenth-Century France. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000.
_____________. ‘From Minstrel to Courtier: The Royal Musique de Chambre and Courtly Ideals in Sixteenth-Century France’ in Musikalischer Alltag im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert, Trussinger Jahrbuch für Renaissancemusik 1, ed. Nicole Schwindt. Kassel: Bärenreiter, 2001. 39-49.
Brown, Howard M. & Louise K. Stein. Music in the Renaissance. 2nd Edition. Upper Saddle River: Prentice-Hall Inc., 1999.
Brown, Howard Mayer & Richard Freedman. ‘Janequin, Clément’, The New Grove Dictionary of Music Online (Accessed [28/02/03] <http://www.grovemusic.com>).
Cazeaux, Isabelle. French Music in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries. Oxford: Blackwell, 1975.
Freedman, Richard. ‘Paris and the French Court under François I’ in The Renaissance: From the 1470s to the End of the Sixteenth Century, ed. Iain Fenlon. London: Macmillan, 1989. 174-199.
Grout, Donald J. A History of Western Music. Revised Edition. London: J. M. Dent & Sons Ltd., 1973.
Hale, J. R. Renaissance from Great Ages of Man: A History of the World’s Cultures. Nederland: Time-Life International, 1966.
Heartz, Daniel. Pierre Attaingnant: Royal Printer of Music. Berkeley & Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1969.
Heartz, Daniel, ed. Preludes, Dances and Chansons for the Lute. Neuilly-sur-Seine: Publications de musique d’autrefois, 1964.
Heartz, Daniel & Richard Freedman. ‘Paris II: 1450-1600; 4. Music Publishing’, The New Grove Dictionary of Music Online, ed. Laura Macy (Accessed [22/05/03] <http://www.grovemusic.com>).
Heartz, Daniel & Laurent Guillo. ‘Attaingnant, Pierre’, The New Grove Dictionary of Music Online, ed. Laura Macy (Accessed [28/02/03] <http://www.grovemusic.com>).
Knecht, R. J. Renaissance Warrior and Patron: The Reign of Francis I. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994.
__________. French Renaissance Monarchy: Francis I & Henry II. New York: Longman Group Limited, 1984.
Pogue, Samuel. Jacques Moderne: Lyons Music Printer of the Sixteenth Century. Geneva: Droz, 1969.
Sadie, Stanley, ed. ‘Attaingnant, Pierre’, The Grove Concise Dictionary of Music. Updated Edition. London: Macmillan, 1994. 37-8.
Vickers, Nancy J. ‘Manners and Mannerisms at Court’ in A New History of French Literature, ed. Dennis Hollier. Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1989.
DISCOGRAPHY
Chansons Nouvelles: Parisian Chansons and Dances c.1530-1550. Virelai. Virgin Veritas VC 5 45313 2.
Chansons sur des Poèmes de Ronsard. Ensemble Clément Janequin. Harmonia Mundi HMC 901491.
Clément Janequin: Le Chant des Oyseaulx. Ensemble Clément Janequin. Harmonia Mundi HMC 901099.
J’ay Pris d’Amours: Chansons au Luth du XVIe Siècle. Claudine Ansermet and Paolo Cherici. Symphonia SY 98162.
Les Cris de Paris: Chansons de Janequin & Sermisy. Ensemble Clément Janequin. Harmonia Mundi HMT 7901072.
Pierre Attaingnant: Imprimeur et libraire en musique du Roy. Hopkinsons Smith. Astrée E8854.
NOTES
[1] Allan W. Atlas, Renaissance Music: Music in Western Europe, 1400-1600 (New York: Norton, 1998), pp. 457-8.
[2] Stanley Sadie, ed., ‘Attaingnant, Pierre’, The Grove Concise Dictionary of Music. Updated Edition. (London: Macmillan, 1994), pp. 37-8.
[3] Atlas, p. 459.
[4] Daniel Heartz, Pierre Attaingnant: Royal Printer of Music (Berkeley & Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1969), p. 168.
[5] John T. Brobeck, ‘Musical Patronage in the Royal Chapel of France under Francis I (r. 1515-1547)’, Journal of the American Musicological Society 48 (1995), p. 187.
[6] R. J. Knecht, Renaissance Warrior and Patron: The Reign of Francis I (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 117-8.
[7] Knecht, p. 123.
[8] ibid., p. 128.
[9] ibid., pp. 129-30.
[10] ibid., pp. 130-1.
[11] ibid., p. 131.
[12] Isabelle Cazeaux, French Music in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries (Oxford: Blackwell, 1975), pp. 20-21.
[13] Richard Freedman, ‘Paris and the French Court under François I’ in The Renaissance: From the 1470s to the End of the Sixteenth Century, ed. Iain Fenlon (London: Macmillan, 1989), p. 177.
[14] Jeanice Brooks, Courtly Song in Late Sixteenth-Century France (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000), p. 1.
[15] ibid., pp. 12-13.
[16] ibid., pp. 389, 391.
[17] Stanley Boorman, ‘Printing and Publishing of Music I, 3: Printing from Type; (ii) Early History’, The New Grove Dictionary of Music Online, ed. Laura Macy (Accessed [22/05/03] <http://www.grovemusic.com>).
[18] Knecht, p. 460.
[19] Boorman.
[20] Atlas, p. 460.
[21] Daniel Heartz & Richard Freedman, ‘Paris II: 1450-1600; 4. Music publishing’, The New Grove Dictionary of Music Online, ed. Laura Macy (Accessed [22/05/03] <http://www.grovemusic.com>).
[22] Freedman, p. 187.
[23] Cazeaux, p. 253.
[24] Freedman, p. 187.
[25] Daniel Heartz & Laurent Guillo, ‘Attaingnant, Pierre’, The New Grove Dictionary of Music Online, ed. Laura Macy (Accessed [28/02/03] <http://www.grovemusic.com>).
[26] Samuel Pogue, Jacques Moderne: Lyons Music Printer of the Sixteenth Century (Geneva: Droz, 1969), pp. 47, 55.
[27] Eric Blom, ed., ‘Attaingnant, Pierre’, Grove’s Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 5th Edition. (London: Macmillan & Co. Ltd., 1954), p. 249.
[28] Heartz, pp. 381-6.
[29] Jeanice Brooks, ‘From Minstrel to Courtier: The Royal Musique de Chambre and Courtly Ideals in Sixteenth-Century France’ in Musikalischer Alltag im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert, Trussinger Jahrbuch für Renaissancemusik 1, ed. Nicole Schwindt (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 2001), p. 44.
[30] Knecht, p. 458.
[31] Brooks (2001), pp. 47-8.
[32] Freedman, pp. 176-182.
[33] ibid., p. 179.
[34] Heartz, pp. 263-4.
[35] Freedman, p. 179.
[36] Howard M. Brown and Louise K. Stein, Music in the Renaissance. 2nd Edition. (Upper Saddle River: Prentice-Hall Inc., 1999), p. 158.
[37] Donald J. Grout, A History of Western Music. Revised Edition. (London: J. M. Dent & Sons Ltd, 1973), pp. 196-7.
[38] Freedman, p. 180.
[39] Brobeck, pp. 220-222.
[40] Atlas, p. 305.
[41] Brobeck, pp. 212, 218.
[42] Heartz & Guillo [28/02/03].
[43] ibid..
[44] Brobeck, p. 233.
[45] ibid., pp. 227-8.
[46] ibid., pp. 223-5.
[47] ibid., pp. 225-6.
[48] ibid., pp. 228, 230-232.
[49] ibid., pp. 215-8, 232, 234-5.
[50] Atlas, p. 464.
[51] ibid., p. 481.
[52] Heartz, pp. 96-99.
[53] Brobeck, p. 187.
[54] Freedman, p. 174.
[55] Brobeck, pp. 235-6.
[56] Atlas, p. 464.
[57] Heartz, p. 101.
[58] Heartz & Guillo [28/02/03].
[59] Heartz, pp. 91-2, 103-4.
[60] Howard Mayer Brown & Richard Freedman, ‘Janequin, Clément’, The New Grove Dictionary of Music Online (Accessed [28/02/03] <http://www.grovemusic.com>).
[61] Knecht, p. 460.
[62] Brown & Stein, p. 191.
[63] Brown & Freedman [28/02/03].
[64] Brown & Stein, p. 191.
[65] Brown & Freedman [28/02/03].
[66] ibid.
[67] Atlas, pp. 425-6.
[68] ibid., p. 426.
[69] Knecht, pp. 460-1.
[70] Heartz, p. 104.
[71] R. J. Knecht, French Renaissance Monarchy: Francis I & Henry II (New York: Longman Group Limited, 1984), p. 54.
[72] J. R. Hale, Renaissance from Great Ages of Man: A History of the World’s Cultures (Nederland: Time-Life International, 1966), pp. 15-16.
[73] Brooks (2001), pp. 44-5.
[74] Knecht (1994), p. 461.
[75] Brooks (2001), p. 44.
[76] Jonathan Le Cocq, liner notes to Chansons Nouvelles: Parisian Chansons and Dances c1530-1550. Virelai. (Virgin Veritas VC 5 45313 2), pp. 6-7.
[77] Brooks (2001), p. 42.
[78] Jean-Pierre Ouvrard, liner notes to Clément Janequin: Le Chant des Oyseaulx. Ensemble Clément Janequin. (Harmonia Mundi HMC 901099), p. 5.
[79] Nancy J. Vickers, ‘Manners and Mannerisms at Court’ in A New History of French Literature, ed. Dennis Hollier (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1989), p. 151.
[80] Hopkinson Smith, liner notes to Pierre Attaingnant: imprimeur et libraire en musique du Roy. Hopkinson Smith. (Astrée E8854), p. 14.
[81] Atlas, p. 485.
[82] Freedman, p. 178.
[83] Smith, p. 14.
[84] Daniel Heartz, ed., Preludes, Dances and Chansons for the Lute (Neuilly-sur-Seine: Publications de musique d’autrefois, 1964), pp. XXII, IX.
[85] ibid., pp. XXIX, XXXVI, XVIII.
[86] Atlas, p. 426.
[87] Pogue, p. 16.
[88] Heartz, pp. 164-8.